How is ISRO the way it is

Is NASA , RFSA or  ESA superior to ISRO. No, ISRO is unique in its own way. While all the others are striving for supremacy in technology , ISRO has a different goal.Considering the Space Applications INDIA is the best. In space applications INDIA is the Role Model to the world.

        Two cardinal principles of ISRO are Usefulness and Self reliance. ISRO strives for developing the applications useful for mankind and bring self reliance to India. At present only 10% of the input comes from outside. Almost everything is Indigenous.

         Why does ISRO always make a difference? It has One Vision and One Team. National priority is over everything else-we find some project directors who even sleep in their offices till the accomplishment. Sublime blend of Youth and Maturity . Constructive conflicts - even the senior-most is answerable to a guy in 20's in case of any doubt raised during the acceptance of a mission. Nerves and Verve - here the people are bold to face anything that results. Failures as a part of learning curve. All of us have only one thing in mind, to achieve something big and elevate the pride of our Nation.

 
         Resilience to Failures and Organisational Crisis.
  Here we are prepared. We anticipate possible contingencies, empower team to face contingencies and execute with diligence.
  We Learn from failures & successes. We focus on issues rather than pointing fingers. We connect, communicate and correct ourself.
  Leader takes responsibility for failures and credit team for success. Any organisation where leader tries to put failures on others cannot improve further as every team of the organisation thinks of letting failure to others instead of thinking of their own.


       How is ISRO always able to achieve more than expected? Here the mathematical minds are working  greatly that we are able to predict the performance exactly so that there is no unexpected error creeping in. In case of Mars Orbiter Mission , we planned for  6 months (considering the first attempt may have some errors and the fuel may be used to correct the path) but the predictions were so true that there was hardly any fuel wasted at all. And now it can be lasting for years.

The birth centenary of a legendary freedom fighter.

Today the nation is celebrating the birth centenary of Rani Gaidinliu, the leegendary freedom  fighter.

Prime Minister Modi on account of her centenary: 

It is unfortunate that after so many years of Independence several people who fought for freedom are not well known.We have never believed that kings or rulers have made this Nation, we believe India is made by the people.Rani Maa devoted herself to service for her entire life.

Glimpses of her life :

Gaidinliu (1915–1993) was a Naga spiritual and political leader who led a revolt against British rule in India.[At the age of 13, she joined the Heraka religious movement of her cousin Haipou Jadonang. The movement later turned into a political movement seeking to drive out the British from Manipur and the surrounding Naga areas. Within the Heraka cult, she came to be considered as an incarnation of the goddess Cherachamdinliu.] Gaidinliu was arrested in 1932 at the age of 16, and was sentenced to life imprisonment by the British rulers. Jawaharlal Nehru met her at Shillong Jail in 1937 and promised to pursue her release. Nehru gave her the title of "Rani" ("Queen"), and she gained local popularity as Rani Gaidinliu. She was released in 1947 after India's independence and continued to work for the upliftment of her people. She organised a resistance movement against the Naga National Council (NNC)-led insurgents in 1966 and had to go underground. She was honoured as a freedom fighter and was awarded a Padma Bhushan by the Government of India.

Rani Gaidinliu, popularly know as Rani Ma, is a highly revered Naga lady for her selfless services to Naga society and fight for freedom of the country. She was a committed lady for the preservation, protection and promotion of her forefather’s religion, eternal culture, customary laws and traditional village institutions. She organised Naga army and challenged British empire. British Government declared her as terror of north east and had awarded life imprisonment to her. When Pt. Nehru approached the British government to free her, they refused to oblige on the plea that if Rani Gaidinliu was freed, the revolt against British empire would spread like wildfire. She came out of Shillong prison when the country got Independence on August 15, 1947. But the travesty is that she was not allowed to visit her people for whose freedom, religion and culture she sacrificed her prime of youth. Same reason was given that if she was allowed to return to her Heraka people, the movement for preservation, protection and promotion of her forefather’s religion and eternal culture would catch-up momentum.

In later part of her life, she was closely associated with National Organizations like Kalyan Ashram, Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Vidya Bharati. She met M.S. Golwalkar (Guruji) at Jorhat in 1969. She attended the world Hindu Conference organized by Vishwa Hindu Parishad in 1979 at Allahabad. She was Chief Guest in the Mahila Sammelan organized by Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram at Bhilai in 1985. It is also noteworthy that Rani Gaidinliu wrote letters to Prime Minister in support of “Freedom of Religions Act 1978”, ‘Ram Janmabhoomi movement’ and in opposition of Pope John Paul II’s visit to Bharat in 1986. 

She clearly and fearlessly preached among her people that a society whose forefather’s religion, culture, tradition, village institution and customary laws are destroyed, becomes weak and vigourless. In due course of time indiscipline and chaotic situation prevailed in that society. Rani Ma and Pau N.C. Zeliang reverberated this doctrine repeatedly. Unfortunately, Naga leaders- political, social or of church, preferred to ignore. 

The visit of Rani Ma in any Naga area used to spread like wildfire and people. Christians and Hindus (non-Christians) both used to come out on the road to have a darshan of her. She would stop at gathering at prominent places, meet the people, exchange the good-wishes and then advance on journey. The Hindu society worshipped her like a Goddess. She toured the country extensively. 

She met the second RSS Sarsanghachalak MS Golwalkar (Guruji) in early seventies at Guwahati, attended the Second World Hindu Conference 1979 at Prayagraj (Allahabad) at Sangam (convergence) during one and quarter month long Maagh Mela. She graced the World Women Conference as its President where the lady dignitaries from all over the country and abroad had assembled. Since then, she had close association with a number of dignitaries and organisations throughout the country. She became a bridge between Naga society and larger Hindu Samaj.

For the selfless service to the society and the country she was conferred a number of awards.
• Freedom Fighter Tamrapatra Award 1972 by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.
• Padma Bhushan 1982 by President Neelam Sanjiva Reddy.
• Vivekananda Sewa Samman 1983 by Bada Bazar Kumarsabha Pustakalaya, Kolkata.
• Birsa Munda Award, 1996 (Posthumous)

Though Rani Gaidinliu was from one of the remotest villages of Manipur in Northeast Bharat, her freedom struggle for the independence of Bharatvarsh was self- inspired and divine because the news of freedom movement spearheaded by Gandhiji and Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose hardly reached to her due to inaccessible mountains and language barriers.

 She was a religious leader and divine lady as well who led a religious reform movement simultaneously.

 She spent fifteen years of her youthful life in various jails at Kohima, Guwahati, Tura and Shillong which is perhaps longest jail yatra of a freedom fighter .

 She took up arms again during the period 1960 to 1966 to fight against Naga National Council (NNC) headed by Phizo and Christian missionaries in independent Bharatvarsh to defend her religion and culture from Christian missionaries supported by NNC. Shri Jagdamba Mall described her as the bridge at the gulf of Nagas and plains’ people.

Rani Gaidinliu was a committed Bharatiya patriot who sacrificed her life at the altar of Bharatmata. She was a great motivator because of that the men and women were equally fighting against the British aggressors. Shri Thunbui Zeliang said, “She was quite live with national problems in Independent Bharatvarsh. She supported Freedom of Religion Bill 1978 and opposed the coming of Pope in 1985. She attended 2nd World Hindu Conference at Prayag in 1979. She toured the various places of the country and told the Bharatiya masses that most of the Nagas – Christians and Hindus both wanted to live in Bharatvarsh except handful Nagas under the grip of NNC. "

Our Pledge Today

Its not about the thought process, but the practical implementation of our thoughts . Many of us prayed for Kalam's soul but his soul will be happy when we tend to realise his dreams. In his address to our Nation on the eve of 59th Independence day , he spoke of Energy Independence and Energy Security. How many of us even care for switching off fans and lights when we move out of our room?
These small things when done on a large scale contribute largely.
We may not do great things but we can certainly do small amendments in our daily lives which makes a difference .

We may not change the lives of other people but we don't have to become the hurdles in the path of the people who try.
We know of Kailash Satyarthi  now by the recognition of the Noble committee. The President of our Nation congratulated him as he made our country proud by receiving the Nobel Peace Prize. He is great even if he had not got that prize.Bringing Freedom into the lives of 83,000 children is a great accomplishment one can have in their lifetime. We may not recognise his work before the Nobel Committee does, he worked for the eternal pleasure he gets by the smile of a free child rather than honours or awards , but the hurdles
put in front of him on his way varied from criminals to the then Prime Minister of India.
Why are we placing our selfish attitude before the noble cause?

On the midnight speech of 1947 , Nehru explained the goal of Wiping off the tears from the faces of all. Even after 68 years we are far from achieving it. If we can control our desires and work for the eternal happiness , we can do it.

DO OR DIE

                            This day in 1942 , saw the start of a great movement .
Mahatma Gandhi's speech at its launch had a great effect and the slogan " Do or Die " is present in every INDIAN heart even today.

Excerpt from the speech on August 08, 1942.

      

          I am the same Gandhi as I was in 1920. I have not changed in any fundamental respect. I attach the same importance to nonviolence that I did then. If at all, my emphasis on it has grown stronger. 

       I want you to know and feel that there is nothing but purest Ahimsa in all that I am saying and doing today.

         God has vouchsafed to me a priceless gift in the weapon of Ahimsa.
If in the present crisis, when the earth is being scorched by the flames of Himsa and crying for deliverance, I failed to make use of the God given talent, God will not forgive me and I shall be judged unwrongly of the great gift. I must act now.
    
         Ours is not a drive for power, but purely a nonviolent fight for India’s independence. 
Under the Congress scheme of things, essentially nonviolent as it is, there can be no room for dictatorship. A non-violent soldier of freedom will covet nothing for himself, he fights only for the freedom of his country. The Congress is unconcerned as to who will rule, when freedom is attained. The power, when it comes, will belong to the people of India, and it will be for them to decide to whom it placed in the entrusted.

      Ever since its inception the Congress has kept itself meticulously free of the communal taint. It has thought always in terms of the whole nation and has acted accordingly... I know how imperfect our Ahimsa is and how far away we are still from the ideal, but in Ahimsa there is no final failure or defeat. I have faith, therefore, that if, in spite of our shortcomings, the big thing does happen, it will be because God wanted to help us by crowning with success our silent, unremitting Sadhana for the last twenty-two years.

             I believe that in the history of the world, there has not been a more genuinely democratic struggle for freedom than ours. In the democracy which I have envisaged, a democracy established by nonviolence, there will be equal freedom for all. Everybody will be his own master. It is to join a struggle for such democracy that I invite you today. Once you realize this you will forget the differences between the Hindus and Muslims, and think of yourselves as Indians only, engaged in the common struggle for independence.

            Our quarrel is not with the British people, we fight their imperialism. The proposal for the withdrawal of British power did not come out of anger. It came to enable India to play its due part at the present critical juncture. It is not a happy position for a big country like India to be merely helping with money and material obtained willy-nilly from her while the United Nations are conducting the war. We cannot evoke the true spirit of sacrifice and velour, so long as we are not free. I know the British Government will not be able to withhold freedom from us, when we have made enough self-sacrifice. We must, therefore, purge ourselves of hatred. Speaking for myself, I can say that I have never felt any hatred. As a matter of fact, I feel myself to be a greater friend of the British now than ever before. One reason is that they are today in distress. My very friendship, therefore, demands that I should try to save them from their mistakes. As I view the situation, they are on the brink of an abyss. It, therefore, becomes my duty to warn them of their danger even though it may, for the time being, anger them to the point of cutting off the friendly hand that is stretched out to help them. People may laugh, nevertheless that is my claim. At a time when I may have to launch the biggest struggle of my life, I may not harbour hatred against anybody.

                  You may take it from me that I am not going to strike a bargain with the Viceroy for ministries and the like. I am not going to be satisfied with anything short of complete freedom. May be, he will propose the abolition of salt tax, the drink evil, etc. But I will say, “Nothing less than freedom.”

               Here is a mantra, a short one, that I give you. You may imprint it on your hearts and let every breath of yours give expression to it. The mantra is : ‘Do or Die’. We shall either free India or die in the attempt; we shall not live to see the perpetuation of our slavery. Every true Congressman or woman will join the struggle with an inflexible determination not to remain alive to see the country in bondage and slavery. Let that be your pledge. Keep jails out of your consideration. If the Government keep me free, I will not put on the Government the strain of maintaining a large number of prisoners at a time, when it is in trouble. Let every man and woman live every moment of his or her life hereafter in the consciousness that he or she eats or lives for achieving freedom and will die, if need be, to attain that goal. Take a pledge, with God and your own conscience as witness, that you will no longer rest till freedom is achieved and will be prepared to lay down your lives in the attempt to achieve it. He who loses his life will gain it; he who will seek to save it shall lose it. Freedom is not for the coward or the faint-hearted.

          Nothing, however, should be done secretly. This is an open rebellion. In this struggle secrecy is a sin. A free man would not engage in a secret movement. It is likely that when you gain freedom you will have a C.I.D. of your own, in spite of my advice to the contrary. But in the present struggle, we have to work openly and to receive bullets on our chest, without taking to heels.

                 There is something within me impelling me to cry out my agony. I have known humanity. I have studied something of psychology. Such a man knows exactly what it is. I do not mind how you describe it. That voice within tells me, “You have to stand against the whole world although you may have to stand alone. You have to stare in the face the whole world although the world may look at you with bloodshot eyes. Do not fear. Trust the little voice residing within your heart.” It says : “Forsake friends, wife and all; but testify to that for which you have lived and for which you have to die. I want to live my full span of life. And for me I put my span of life at 120 years. By that time India will be free, the world will be free.

            Let me tell you that I do not regard England or for that matter America as free countries. They are free after their own fashion, free to hold in bondage coloured races of the earth. Are England and America fighting for the liberty of these races today? If not, do not ask me to wait until after the war. You shall not limit my concept of freedom. The English and American teachers, their history, their magnificent poetry have not said that you shall not broaden the interpretation of freedom. And according to my interpretation of that freedom I am constrained to say they are strangers to that freedom which their teachers and poets have described. If they will know the real freedom they should come to India. They have to come not with pride or arrogances but in the spite of real earnest seekers of truth. It is a fundamental truth which India has been experimenting with for 22 years.

           They may succeed in getting, through these methods, world opinion on their side for a time; but India will speak against that world opinion. She will raise her voice against all the organized propaganda. I will speak against it. Even if all the United Nations opposed me, even if the whole of India forsakes me, I will say, “You are wrong. India will wrench with non-violence her liberty from unwilling hands.” I will go ahead not for India’s sake alone, but for the sake of the world. Even if my eyes close before there is freedom, non-violence will not end. Does a creditor ever go to debtor like that? And even when, India is met with such angry opposition, she says, “We won’t hit below the belt, we have learnt sufficient gentlemanliness. We are pledged to non-violence.”

                  Freedom has to come not tomorrow, but today.

Do or Die

I have pledged the Congress and the Congress will do or die.

                                                                                                                                                   source:  My Nonviolence (1960), pp. 183-205

Tryst With Destiny

' One of the greatest speeches of all times ' by Jawaharlal Nehru towards midnight on 14th August 1947.  

                  Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom. A moment comes, which comes but rarely in history, when we step out from the old to the new, when an age ends, and when the soul of a nation, long supressed, finds utterance. It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity.

                 At the dawn of history India started on her unending quest, and trackless centuries are filled with her striving and the grandeur of her success and her failures. Through good and ill fortune alike she has never lost sight of that quest or forgotten the ideals which gave her strength. We end today a period of ill fortune and India discovers herself again. The achievement we celebrate today is but a step, an opening of opportunity, to the greater triumphs and achievements that await us. Are we brave enough and wise enough to grasp this opportunity and accept the challenge of the future?

                                  Freedom and power bring responsibility.
                The responsibility rests upon this Assembly(here Nehruji refers to the Indian constituent assembly) , a sovereign body representing the sovereign people of India. Before the birth of freedom we have endured all the pains of labour and our hearts are heavy with the memory of this sorrow. Some of those pains continue even now. Nevertheless, the past is over and it is the future that beckons to us now.

                 That future is not one of ease or resting but of incessant striving so that we may fulfil the pledges we have so often taken and the one we shall take today.
The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means the ending of poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity.

                   The ambition of the greatest man(Gandhiji) of our generation has been to wipe every tear from every eye. 
  That may be beyond us, but as long as there are tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over.

                      And so we have to labour and to work, and work hard, to give reality to our dreams. Those dreams are for India, but they are also for the world, for all the nations and peoples are too closely knit together today for any one of them to imagine that it can live apart Peace has been said to be indivisible; so is freedom, so is prosperity now, and so also is disaster in this One World that can no longer be split into isolated fragments.

                    To the people of India, whose representatives we are, we make an appeal to join us with faith and confidence in this great adventure. This is no time for petty and destructive criticism, no time for ill-will or blaming others. We have to build the noble mansion of free India where all her children may dwell.

                    The appointed day has come-the day appointed by destiny-and India stands forth again, after long slumber and struggle, awake, vital, free and independent. The past clings on to us still in some measure and we have to do much before we redeem the pledges we have so often taken. Yet the turning-point is past, and history begins anew for us, the history which we shall live and act and others will write about.

                      It is a fateful moment for us in India, for all Asia and for the world. A new star rises, the star of freedom in the East, a new hope comes into being, a vision long cherished materializes. May the star never set and that hope never be betrayed!

                 We rejoice in that freedom, even though clouds surround us, and many of our people are sorrowstricken and difficult problems encompass us. But freedom brings responsibilities and burdens and we have to face them in the spirit of a free and disciplined people.

                   On this day our first thoughts go to the architect of this freedom, the Father of our Nation [Gandhi], who, embodying the old spirit of India, held aloft the torch of freedom and lighted up the darkness that surrounded us. We have often been unworthy followers of his and have strayed from his message, but not only we but succeeding generations will remember this message and bear the imprint in their hearts of this great son of India, magnificent in his faith and strength and courage and humility. We shall never allow that torch of freedom to be blown out, however high the wind or stormy the tempest.

         
              Our next thoughts must be of the unknown volunteers and soldiers of freedom who, without praise or reward, have served India even unto death.

               We think also of our brothers and sisters who have been cut off from us by political boundaries and who unhappily cannot share at present in the freedom that has come. They are of us and will remain of us whatever may happen, and we shall be sharers in their good [or] ill fortune alike.

         
                The future beckons to us. Whither do we go and what shall be our endeavour? To bring freedom and opportunity to the common man, to the peasants and workers of India; to fight and end poverty and ignorance and disease; to build up a prosperous, democratic and progressive nation, and to create social, economic and political institutions which will ensure justice and fullness of life to every man and woman.

               We have hard work ahead. There is no resting for any one of us till we redeem our pledge in full, till we make all the people of India what destiny intended them to be. We are citizens of a great country on the verge of bold advance, and we have to live up to that high standard.

                                  All of us, to whatever religion we may belong, are equally the children of India with equal rights, privileges and obligations. 
     
                                  We cannot encourage communalism or narrow-mindedness, for no nation can be great whose people are narrow in thought or in action.

                To the nations and peoples of the world we send greetings and pledge ourselves to cooperate with them in furthering peace, freedom and democracy.

                And to India, our much-loved motherland, the ancient, the eternal and the ever-new, we pay our reverent homage and we bind ourselves afresh to her service.

                                                                JAI HIND.

our NETAJI

"Give me blood and I will give you freedom".

A short glimpse of a great leader.
After returning to India Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose came under the influence of Mahatma Gandhi and joined the Indian National Congress. On Gandhiji's instructions, he started working under Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das, whom he later acknowledged his political guru. Soon he showed his leadership mettle and gained his way up in the Congress' hierarchy. In 1928 the Motilal Nehru Committee appointed by the Congress declared in favour of Domination Status, but Subhas Chandra Bose along with Jawaharlal Nehru opposed it, and both asserted that they would be satisfied with nothing short of complete independence for India.
Bose advocated complete unconditional independence for India.
Bose believed that Gandhi's tactics of non-violence would never be sufficient to secure India's independence, and advocated violent resistance.
Throughout his career he presided over far more youth conferences than any other all-India political figure, and his speeches to younger people he steadfastly urged a spirit of activism that contrasted sharply with the passivism preached by Gandhi and many of the older politicians. "One of the most hopeful signs of the time," he claimed at the 1928 Maharashtra Provincial Conference,
"is the awakening among the youth of this country. . . Friends! I would implore you to assist in the awakening of youth and in the organization of the youth movement. Self-conscious youth will not only act, but will also dream; will not only destroy, but will also build. It will succeed where even you may fail; it will create for you a new India -- and a free India -- out of the failures, trials and experiences of the past."
At a June 1933 meeting , Bose explained that:
"Besides a plan of action which will lead up to the conquest of power, we shall require a program for the new state when it comes into existence in India. Nothing can be left to chance. The group of men and women who will assume the leadership of the fight with Great Britain will also have to take up the task of controlling, guiding and developing the new state and, through the state, the entire Indian people. If our leaders are not trained for post-war leadership also there is every possibility that after the conquest of power a period of chaos will set in and incidents similar to those for the French Revolution of the 18th century may be repeated in India . . . . The generals of the war-time period in India will have to carry through the whole program of post-war reforms in order to justify to their countrymen the hopes and aspirations that they will have to rouse during the fight. The task of these leaders will not be over till a new generation of men and women are educated and trained after the establishment of the new state and this new generation are able to take complete charge of their country's affairs."
This explains what Bose meant in The Indian Struggle when he wrote (as quoted above) of the need for a strong, single-party government, "bound together by military discipline" with "dictatorial powers for some years to come, in order to put India on her feet." Only an very strong government, strict discipline, and dictatorial rule would, according to Bose, prevent the anticipated revolution from falling into chaos and anarchy. That is why the government would not -- "in the first years after liberation" -- "stand for a democracy in the Mid-Victorian sense of the term." It would use whatever military force was necessary to maintain law and order, and would not relinquish authority or re-establish more regular forms of government until it felt confident that "the work of post-war social reconstruction" had been completed and "a new generation of men and women in India, fully trained and equipped for the battle of life" had emerged.
Bose clearly anticipated that authoritarian rule would not last beyond the period when social reconstruction was completed, and law and order were established -- when India was "on its feet," as he often wrote. As he frequently stated, Bose aimed for nothing less than the formation of "a new India and a happy India on the basis of the eternal principles of liberty, democracy and socialism." He rejected Communism (at least as it was practiced in the Soviet Union) principally because of its internationalism, and because he believed that the theoretical ideal found in the writings of Marx could not be applied, without modification, to India. Still, he maintained socialist views throughout his adult life, and, on very many occasions, expressed his hope for an egalitarian (especially classless and casteless) industrialized society in which the state would control the basic means of production.
He was opposed to liberalism, believing that greater emphasis should be placed on social goals than on the needs or desires of individuals. Individual wishes, he reasoned, must be subordinated to the needs of the state, especially during the struggle for independence and the period of reconstruction immediately following liberation. Nonetheless, having himself been imprisoned eleven times and sent into exile three times, he was fully committed to upholding the rights of minority intellectual, religious, cultural and racial groups. He hoped for an "all-round freedom for the Indian people -- that is, for social, economic and political freedom," and would, he said "wage a relentless war against bondage of every kind till the people can become really free."
THE INDIVIDUAL MUST DIE, SO THAT THE NATION LIVES.
It could be argued that he was not as committed to the principle of democracy as he was to socialism and freedom (as he defined it). While he extoled democracy on numerous occasions, at other times his words suggest a belief that other parties would have a place, in a free India, only as long as they were "working towards the same end, in whole or in part," as his governing party. Political pluralism did not appeal to him at all. He seems to have envisioned a free India that was more authoritarian than democratic. His own actions as head of the Provisional Government of Azad Hind illustrate a lack of regard for the democratic process.
Bose's alliance with the Axis during the war was based on more than just pragmatism, and that Bose was a militant nationalist, though not a Nazi nor a Fascist, for he supported empowerment of women, secularism and other liberal ideas;
Bose never liked the Nazis, but when he failed to contact the Russians for help in Afghanistan, he approached the Germans and Italians for help.
His comment was that if he had to shake hands with the devil for India's independence he would do that.

Bose's lack of success in his life-long effort to liberate India from alien rule was certainly not due to any lack of effort. From 1921, when he became the first Indian to resign formally from the Indian Civil Service, until his death in 1945 as leader of an Indian government in exile, Subhas Chandra Bose struggled ceaselessly to achieve freedom and prosperity for his beloved homeland.

Modi's words on the account of his 118th[today] Birth Anniversary:
“His bravery, courage and patriotic zeal inspire us. On his birth anniversary, I bow to the proud son of India, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.”
“Subhas Babu’s organisation and leadership skills were exceptional. He was a phenomenal personality, for whom the good of the Nation was paramount.” (https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/558493553476009985…)